Monday, December 3, 2012

Chinese Culture as Bridge

English>>Life & Culture

China's culture once influenced the world, and it can again

(Shanghai Daily)

08:37, December 04, 2012

(Shanghai Daily/Illustration by Zhou Tao)
For at least four centuries, from the 14th to the 18th, China was looked upon by the West with awe. The Venetian trader Marco Polo (1254-1324), whose family had long been travelers on the Silk Road, spent over 20 years exploring Asia, including much of China and Mongolia.

Upon his return he published his "Travels," in which he wrote admiringly of the great wealth and wisdom of China, images that captured the Western imagination.

In the 16th century Jesuit missionaries came to China, the most famous of whom was Matteo Ricci (1552-1610), known in Chinese as Li Matou.

Confucianism extolled

The Jesuits were active agents of transmission of culture and science between China and the West; in their writings the Jesuits extolled the great virtues of Chinese philosophy, especially Confucianism.

Their works were read by early philosophers of the European Enlightenment, notably the Germans Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz (1646-1716) and Christian Wolff (1679-1754). They in turn had a significant influence on the great Immanuel Kant (1724-1804).

In developing his natural philosophy, Kant drew considerable inspiration from Taoism and Confucianism, as transmitted by the Jesuits and then to the philosophers. Ultimately Chinese cultural and philosophical influence spread across much of the Enlightenment, including the French Voltaire (1694-1778).

Although China was remote physically and had virtually no contact with the West, it loomed large as a major cultural force in European thought and especially in its influence on the Enlightenment.

On the artistic front, from the Renaissance until the late 18th century China had a significant influence encapsulated in the generic term Chinoiseries.

This was especially the case in ceramics, both in attempts to copy Chinese styles and in the importation of Chinese works to adorn the salons of palaces.

Subsequently Chinese-style gardens with pagodas came into fashion. Among the richest examples of Chinoiseries can be found in the Schonbrunn Palace, the residence of the Hapsburg monarchs outside Vienna, which flourished especially during the great reign of the Empress Maria Theresa (1717-1780).

Throughout these centuries while China was a great cultural power, it was also the world's leading economic power, accounting for 30 percent or more of global GDP.

Everything changed

Then in the early 19th century, with the industrial revolution and the rise of Western global supremacy, everything changed.

China was initially still perceived as wealthy and a great market - illustrated in the 1850s slogan: "if every Chinaman adds four inches to his shirt-tails, Lancashire mills will be kept busy for generations" - but its civilization came to be derided; the sacking of the Summer Palace by French and British troops in 1860, during the Second Opium War, ranks among the most perfidious acts of cultural vandalism.

From then came a steep decline in numerous respects, economically, politically and culturally. Western writing on China was almost invariably derisive. There were some exceptions, for example the French poet and author Victor Hugo (1802-1885), who bewailed the sacking of the Summer Palace. But this was exceptional.

In the course of the 20th century, China's image was reflected especially in two stereotypes in the West: on the one hand that of "evil" incarnate, for example, in the series of novels (also put into film) of the character Fu Manchu by British author Sax Rohmer (1883-1959); on the other as a pitiful victim of poverty, most famously represented in the novel by Pearl Buck (1892-1973) "The Good Earth."

With the Liberation (in 1949), China regained sovereignty and dignity, and following the reforms unleashed in the late 1970s it has emerged as a daunting global economic superpower, second only to the United States and expected to become number one within less than a decade.

In that sense, China is resuming its former position as economic powerhouse.

Chinese Culture as a Bridge part II

English>>Life & Culture

China's culture once influenced the world, and it can again (2)

(Shanghai Daily)

08:40, December 04, 2012

Soft power

What about cultural power?

Another word for cultural power is "soft power," a subject that has increasingly over recent years challenged Chinese policymakers and thought leaders.

There have been some developments. The opening ceremony of the 2008 Summer Olympics projected some brilliant images of Chinese tradition; the Chinese pavilion of the Shanghai World Exposition in 2010 was an architectural masterpiece, while its techno-artistic display of the recreation of the scroll "Along the River during the Qingming Festival by" Zhang Zeduan (1085-1145) was simply brilliant.

Similarly, Chinese contemporary authors are getting to be much better known in the world, a trend which should get a spurt with this year's award of the Nobel Prize of Literature to Mo Yan (born in 1955).

China's rising cultural flourishing is reflected not only in the traditional arts, but also in its absorption of Western culture. China stands out especially in its embrace of Western classical music; the annual Beijing Music Festival is becoming increasingly known and hailed.

While these developments are important and impressive, it no doubt remains the case that China's global cultural reach remains modest when compared to that of the US and some European countries.

Though Chinese universities are attracting more and more foreign students, the numbers pale in comparison with American, European and Australian universities. Indeed, Western soft power still exerts great impact on China as many of its students flock to Western universities.

As its economic power matures and its population ages, China should increasingly develop its cultural fields. In the course of the decades ahead, as China may be exporting fewer goods, it should aim at exporting more culture.

Soft (cultural) power is the best means to make friends and influence people.

Dr Jean-Pierre Lehmann is emeritus professor of international political economy at IMD, Lausanne, Switzerland, and Founder of The Evian Group.

Wednesday, November 21, 2012

Part I of II of US Strategy in Asian under Obama

English>>World

What’s the intention of Obama’s visit to Asia?

(People's Daily Online)

08:07, November 22, 2012

From Nov. 18 to Nov. 20, U.S. President Barack Obama visited Thailand, Myanmar and Cambodia, and attended the 4th ASEAN-U.S. Leader’s Meeting and 7th East Asia Summit in Phnom Penh, Cambodia. It is his first diplomatic visit after the reelection, and he has become the first sitting U.S. president to visit Myanmar.

The three-day visit reflects Asian strategies of the Obama administration in the second term, which can be summarized into one focus, dual purposes and three pillars.

One focus refers to that Obama will promote the “rebalance” strategy in Asia during his second term. Southeast Asia is the focus of the Obama administration’s “rebalance” strategy. In other words, the U.S. will devote more political, economic, military, security and strategic resources to Southeast Asia in the course of shifting its strategic focus back to Asia Pacific.

Dual purposes mean that the United States, on the one hand, maintains dominance in Asia Pacific and, on the other hand, benefits from rapid economic development in Asia Pacific. The U.S. has for long been worried that the rise of emerging powers like China will squeeze its strategic room in Asia Pacific, its allies in the region might be alienated and it might be excluded from economic integration of Asia Pacific. Obama’s visit to Asia is designed to achieve the dual purposes mentioned above.
【1】 【2】

Part II of II of US Strategy in Asia under Obama

What’s the intention of Obama’s visit to Asia? (2)

(People's Daily Online)

08:11, November 22, 2012

Three pillars are strengthening existing alliance, expanding new partnership and benefiting from the multilateral mechanisms. In Thailand, Obama highlighted the significance of traditional allies. Under the disguise of democracy, human rights and freedom, Obama tried to develop new partnership to expand the U.S. presence and influence on Southeast Asia in Myanmar. To achieve the end, the U.S. phased out political, military and economic sanctions against Myanmar, and claimed to provide an aid of 170 million U.S. dollars. In Cambodia, the U.S. attended the East Asia Summit, 4th ASEAN-U.S. Leader’s Meeting and Trans-Pacific Partnership Summit to secure a foothold in the Asian multilateral mechanisms.

Furthermore, the Obama administration is making slight adjustments to the “rebalance” strategy. He attached proper importance to economy and culture during his visit since the United States has received criticism for overplaying the military and security issues, as well as ill-disguised hostility against China.

The Obama administration is playing trick in the “rebalance” strategy. But, Man proposes, God disposes. The “God” refers to the regional and global trends. Those who bow before it survive and those who resist perish.

Read the Chinese version: 奥巴马亚洲之行的小九九, source: Jinghua Times, author: Jia Xiudong
【1】 【2】

Thursday, October 25, 2012

Manufacturing Lies?

English>>China Business

Sino-US relations tainted by falsehood

By John Walsh (Global Times)

14:44, October 24, 2012

Some American scholars say the US's industrial base is eroding. Such claims however, which have long weighted heavily on ties between China and the US, are not true.

US manufacturing is not decreasing. On the contrary, it has been increasing steadily for decades, even after the financial crisis of 2008.

Domestic manufacturing in the US has been growing since 1947. Although there was a rapid rise in China's manufacturing in the 1990s, US manufacturing also grew quickly at that time. That US manufacturing jobs have been declining since 2000 has less to do with the growth of other countries' manufacturing sectors than with advances in factory automation.

Yet, "progressive" politicians continue to blame China for stealing the US factory and assembly jobs, although they always avoid mentioning automation.

The US is the third largest exporter in the world, exporting mostly high value-added, high profit items; while China exports T-shirts and shoes.
News we recommend:
House prices nudge upward in September Islands dispute benefits carmakers' competitors Sany's bid to usurp Caterpillar
Falsely labeled crabs upset the market A Boon to the Economy 'Right time' for London to build RMB business
Beijing offices still hot properties  The consuming challenge of food safety The dawn of a new growth era

Monday, August 13, 2012

Who Are We? That Includes You as Well...

Who are we? -- An ultimate question facing Chinese immigrants in US

(People's Daily Online)

16:22, August 13, 2012

Qiao Bao, a U.S.-based Chinese-language newspaper, recently said in a signed article that after setting foot in the United States, Chinese immigrants immediately find themselves deeply puzzled by a simple question – “Who are we?”

An unavoidable question facing Chinese immigrants is how they can integrate into the mainstream culture in the United States while still maintaining their own cultural identity. Who are we? Where do we come from? Where are we going? Chinese immigrants must find their own answers to these ultimate questions.

First, the United States has a long history of discrimination against Chinese immigrants. The two houses of U.S. Congress did not apologize for the infamous Chinese Exclusion Act until recently. Therefore, Chinese immigrants must make continued efforts to combat discrimination, and say loudly, “I am Chinese, but also American.”

The Danny Chen hazing case is the latest example of discrimination against Chinese. Instead of being killed by enemies, the Chinese-American soldier stationed in Afghanistan died after being abused and tortured by his own comrades. More shockingly, the sergeant who directly led to Chen’s death was sentenced to just 30 days in a military jail, fined nearly 1,200 U.S. dollars, demoted one rank, and was even allowed to remain in the service. The light punishment for the loss of a life is just like a pat on the shoulder saying, “Make sure it does not happen again,” which is terribly unfair.

Who Are We? And that Include You as Well...

Who are we? -- An ultimate question facing Chinese immigrants in US (2)

(People's Daily Online)

16:25, August 13, 2012

Private Harry Lew, nephew of Judy Chu, a Chinese-American congresswoman from California, shot himself to death after undergoing military hazing. One of the three defendants was sentenced to only 30 days in jail, and the other two were found not guilty. Just as Chu noted, the death of Chen and Lew is only the tip of the iceberg. Under such circumstances, Chinese immigrants should strengthen efforts to combat discrimination.

The participation of Chinese immigrants in U.S. politics is crucial to protecting their rights and interests. Chinese immigrants need their own spokespersons in the U.S. political circles. Chinese Americans had called on the U.S. government to apologize for the Chinese Exclusion Act for many years, but achieved little progress. It was only after Judy Chu was voted to the House of Representatives and made great efforts in this regard that the two houses of the U.S. Congress passed a resolution apologizing for the discriminatory law. However, Chinese participation in U.S. politics is still in its infancy. Seldom have people from the Chinese mainland, especially Chinese students studying in the United States, participated in U.S. politics.

Chinese immigrants should try to avoid narrow-mindedness and “Chinese supremacy” when participating in U.S. politics. Chinese should certainly support Chinese candidates, but should also respect the Chinese immigrants who have made different decisions. They should not hold the narrow-minded view that Chinese should only vote for Chinese candidates.

Read the Chinese version: “我们是谁”——在美华人终极之问, source: People's Daily Overseas Edition

Thursday, July 26, 2012

Change of Palace Guards

Vacation to Decide on Coming Changes


 

Summer Stress China's Elite Wrangle Over New Leadership

Photo Gallery: A Season for Serious Decisions
Photos
REUTERS
Since the days of Mao, China's communist elite has retreated to the seaside resort of Beidaihe to escape the summer heat. But this year, instead of just relaxing, it must also deal with the complicated issue of who will hold the future reins of power in a time of political and economic turmoil.
A gray-haired portrait artist selling his work by the waterfront in Beidaihe says he feels his country needs strong leaders. The best, he adds, would be another revolutionary along the lines of Mao Zedong.

The artist has set out three portraits of the founder of the People's Republic of China. This isn't just a way of drawing in tourists to sit for one of his portraits; it's also a sign of how much he admires Mao. The leader united the nation, he says, and created something lasting -- and that's more than he can say about his country's current leaders, of whom he's made no portraits. As if that weren't enough, Mao's successors are now disrupting his business by appropriating what seems like all of Beidaihe, a seaside resort town two hours northeast of Beijing by train. Only rarely have China's leaders cordoned off their traditional summer retreat so nervously. Indeed, things weren't even this way in the legendary days when Mao himself and other major figures, including the reformer Deng Xiaoping swam in the Pacific from this beach.
This year, the hordes of wealthy Russians who usually come here from Siberia have stayed away. In fact, rumor has it that Chinese authorities leaned on tour operators to allow as few foreigners as possible into the exclusive resort.
Vacationers arriving in Beidaihe by road must allow police to search their luggage. Uniformed officers guard every intersection, and plainclothes police mingle with bathers on the beach.
Beijing's top leaders and their families have retreated to this resort every summer since the days of Mao. But all these added security measures are a result of the important things they have to discuss. Here, in villas ringed by pines, the country's most powerful individuals are bickering over the precise makeup of the next generation set to assume the reins of the Communist Party at its National Congress this October.
Trouble in Paradise
China's Communists associate Beidaihe with more than just surfing and sunblock. The name also conjures up memories of political dramas and haggling over posts. It was here, in 1971, that Lin Biao, Mao's designated successor, finally realized he'd fallen out of favor. He fled by plane, together with his wife and son, only to die in a mysterious crash in Mongolia.
It was also here, in the summer of 1997, that then-party leader Jiang Zemin had a hard time prevailing against his colleagues. The party's leadership had been unable to agree on proposed personnel changes for the 15th National Congress. But, in the fall, only three days before the congress, Jiang was able to reap the fruits of his intrigue-filled summer: Chen Xitong, who had been removed from his position as mayor of Beijing and was a bitter rival of Jiang, was kicked out of the Communist Party on suspicion of corruption. A year later, Chen was sentenced to 16 years in prison.
Five years ago, Beidaihe was also where Hu Jintao, the 69-year-old president of China and general secretary of its Communist Party, failed to set up a favorite as his successor early on. Hu had hoped to get Li Keqiang, a confidant of many years and the current deputy premier, designated as his successor.
Instead, the party's old guard, whose members are loyal to former General Secretary Jiang Zemin, have seen to it that Vice President Xi Jinping, 59, will become the party's new leader this October and China's president in the spring of 2013, and that Li will work under him as China's premier.
A Country Reaching Its Limits
China's new leadership will face enormous challenges. The last five years have seen economic growth drop by roughly half in the world's manufacturing giant. New instances of social unrest continue to flare up around the country. Recently, locals in southwestern China even managed to stop the construction of a heavy metals factory that would have hurt the environment.
For years, China's one-party dictatorship even won admirers in the West, and everything seemed to be going according to plan for its Communist Party. But, now, it's precisely the fact that the country isn't based on the rule of law that threatens to bar it from even greater success. If the party wants to transform the nation from a cheap-goods factory into a high-tech laboratory, it must have the courage to make political reforms. More specifically, it needs to limit the power held by state-owned enterprises and allow creative private companies more freedom and legal security.
China is also reaching its limits in terms of foreign policy. Neighbors such as Vietnam and the Philippines are turning to the US for protection against their larger neighbor as it attempts to lay claim to the entire South China Sea. In mid-July, Japan temporarily recalled its ambassador from Beijing in response to rising tensions over a disputed group of islands.
There are certainly plenty of reasons to start a public debate on China's future -- yet there's nothing that Beijing fears more. The country's leaders, always worried about maintaining stability, are increasing their control over Internet use in the country. A new points system is designed to intimidate users of Weibo, a Chinese analogue to Twitter. A user determined to be blogging politically incorrect content loses points and ultimately risks having his or her user account deleted.
At the moment, the authorities are been particularly zealous about censoring any online content that touches on the power struggle taking place among leaders in Beijing. For example, entering "Xi" -- the future president's family name -- into a search engine immediately yields an error message. The government's motives were perhaps best -- and unintentionally -- revealed when Beijing recently placed the word "zhenshi," or "truth," on its list of banned words for several days.
Problems with Transition
Even here in Beidaihe, locals can only make guesses about exactly what their leaders are discussing. "I've never actually caught sight of any of them," says a man in charge of changing rooms and showers on the beach. "Only my father-in-law once saw Mao, when he went out for a swim."
The fact that the leaders distance themselves from the rest of the population only serves to increase the murmurings among curious onlookers. Twice in one day, for example, ambulances entered the off-limits area occupied by the politicians, firing speculation that some of the older comrades might be having trouble with the hot weather.
Elderly party members, in particular, use the summer break to stir up memories. For example, just before this summer season began, Li Peng, re-emerged in the public eye with the publication of a collection of his old speeches and essays.
The 83-year-old former prime minister, whom many hold responsible for the government's bloody crackdown against demonstrators in Tiananmen Square in 1989, appears to be attempting to protect his family's business interests under China's new leadership. His daughter heads one of the country's largest power companies.
Indeed, the jockeying for government posts currently taking place in Beidaihe is not only about political power, but also about economic interests. The Politburo Standing Committee will decide who gets the best positions. It currently consists of nine members, but aside from the new governing partnership of Xi Jinping and Li Keqiang, age will be forcing all of its current members to retire and be replaced this fall. Even the party's leader, first among equals on this committee, will have to haggle to reach compromises, as if he were the CEO of China Inc. arguing with its board.
Party leaders are also arguing over how many members the Standing Committee should have. Some seem to favor scaling the committee down and distributing control of the country's security apparatus among several members. Standing Committee member Zhou Yongkang currently holds complete control over this area, even though there were recent rumors that he had contemplated a coup.
Money and the Political Elite
One significant maneuver in this power struggle came this spring, when leaders in Beijing put a halt to the ambitions of Bo Xilai, the popular party chairman of Chongqing, who had hoped for a position on the Standing Committee. Once feted as a "red crown prince" because of his status as the son of one of the country's revolutionary heroes, Bo sparked a building boom in his city, creating the highest economic growth in the entire country. He also had residents of Chongqing gather in the city's parks to sing revolutionary songs from Mao's day as part of his efforts at combating the widening gap between China's rich and poor.

There are rumors that the Communist Party is holding the ousted politician at a military hospital in Beijing. Meanwhile, the question of how and on what grounds to permanently end Bo's political career is probably causing a few more headaches for party leaders gathered in Beidaihe. The scandal surrounding Bo's wife, who has been accused of illegally moving funds abroad and having a British business partner murdered, is drawing attention to other corrupt individuals among the elite, as well. Party leaders and their families control important economic sectors in China. Hu Haifeng, son of the current president, has long been head of Nuctech, a company that supplies airports and train stations with luggage security scanners. Premier Wen Jiabao's son successfully runs multiple satellite-communication companies, while Wen's wife has made a fortune in the jewelry business. According to calculations by the American news agency Bloomberg, being well-connected in this way has helped the extended family of incoming party leader Xi accumulate assets worth some €297 million ($360 million).
All that bears little relation to Mao's China, whose loss so many here in Beidaihe claim to mourn. The people were worse off in the dictator's day -- but at least almost everyone was equally badly off.
Translated from the German by Ella Ornstein

Wednesday, July 4, 2012

Little Pests May Force China's Hand

Home>>Foreign Affairs

China faces long-term regional annoyances

(Global Times)

08:38, July 04, 2012

Philippine President Benigno Aquino III said Monday he may ask the US to deploy spy planes over the South China Sea to help monitor disputed waters in the region. The US Department of State did not say whether the US will respond to the request.

The Philippines suffered a setback during the Huangyan Island conflict with China, but it will not back down on the issue. China will be pestered by the Philippines, Vietnam and other countries over the South China Sea for a long time.

The world has entered a stage in which small countries can make trouble for big powers. If these island disputes had happened in imperial times, they would have been handled in a much easier way. China may have many ways to teach the Philippines a lesson, but we must not easily use them.

This does not mean China is showing weakness. The US, the most powerful country in the world, has the strength to strike those countries it deems as "evil," but it has to seek approval from the international community.

The Philippines and Vietnam do deserve to be punished. If they go to extremes in their provocations against China, it is likely that they will finally be punished through means including military strikes. However, China definitely will be very cautious in making such decisions.

The world today is very complicated, and the international environment is undergoing profound changes. China has many strategic opportunities, but is also faced with many dilemmas.

China is a country with great development potential. This determines not only China's strategic potential, but also the current international system's continued restraint of China.

The public is becoming increasingly confused over what China's most pressing issues are. Chinese frictions with neighboring countries have been a major focus of foreign affairs in recent years, but such frictions do not pose a strategic threat to China.

The key point that can decide China's future is obviously not the same as what public opinion is most concerned about.

A country should clarify its thoughts and firmly follow them, but this is easier said than done, because its development will face constant domestic and foreign disturbances.

The Philippines and Vietnam are obviously disturbing China. They are not part of China's international political ambitions, but China must not let their disturbance go unchecked.

The right policy might be to tell them our bottom line and avoid a war of words with them, but teach them an unforgettable lesson when it is time to hit back.
Email|Print|Comments(Editor:姚春、马茜)

Saturday, June 23, 2012

The cover design by Sean Chao of my forthcoming book, WATER CHASING WATER from Kaya (NY, NY 2012)

http://ilikesoju.blogspot.com/2011/06/water-chasing-water.html

from a piece by Taylor Martin


Anti-Ship Ballistic Missiles (ASBMs)
More formidable than convention anti-ship cruise missiles are anti-ship ballistic missiles, which follow a curved ballistic trajectory, close at high speeds, and are extremely difficult to intercept. “ASBMs are regarded as a means by which technologically limited developing countries can overcome by asymmetric means their qualitative inferiority in conventional combat platforms,” Erickson and Yang note, “because the gap between offense and defense is greatest here.”[41] The development of anti-ship ballistic missiles threatens to significantly increase China’s ability prevent US ships from operating within the confines of the First Island Chain,[42] massively increase the area-denial “no go” zone for US surface ships,[43] and is likely the greatest technological threat to face U.S. carriers since World War II.[44] ASBMs bypass the US Navy’s superior air and undersea fleet defenses,[45] and their maneuvering warheads allow them to hit moving surface targets as well as fixed facilities.[46]
China’s anti-ship ballistic missile, the DF-21D, is a specialized variant of an existing medium-range ballistic missile with a maneuvering reentry vehicle[47] and is believed capable of hitting targets beyond the First Island Chain.[48] Like the DF-21 theater ballistic missile it is based on, the DF-21D variant is road-mobile,[49] allowing it to avoid the risks of a fixed launch position the launch vehicle to quickly leave the area after firing, increasing the DF-21D system’s survivability[50] and complicating efforts to interdict launch vehicles before launch. Terminal guidance is provided by active and passive radar and optical sensors mounted on the missile,[51] and long-range targeting  by ship or land-based over-the-horizon radar and surveillance satellites, all systems China has heavily invested in fielding.[52] The DF-21D can mount a conventional explosive warhead, or a variety of flechette kinetic penetrators and microwave warheads designed to “mission-kill” a US carrier by disabling antenna surfaces and electronics.[53]
Anti-ship ballistic missiles are enormously difficult threat to defeat. ASBMs are significantly more difficult to terminally intercept than traditional anti-ship missiles; while a SS-N-22 “Sunburn” travels above Mach 2, the DF 21D’s impact speed is roughly Mach 12, dramatically shortening the time shipboard defense systems have to detect, intercept, and destroy the missile. “At such speeds, [Close In Weapons Systems] get around a second to engage a maneuvering target, correct its stream of projectiles onto the target, and make the kill,” notes James R. Holmes.[54] Like advanced sea-skimming missiles, the DF 21D is capable of maneuvering during its terminal dive, making interception even more difficult.[55] Even if CIWS manage to overcome these formidable technical challenges and intercept an ASBM, shrapnel from the destroyed warhead traveling at high speeds is still likely to heavily damage the target.[56] Anti-missile missile defense systems and CIWS are also constrained by the size of the magazines, leaving a ship that had exhausted its defensive ordnance helpless. Missile defense systems mounted in vertical launch system tubes cannot be rearmed at sea, meaning that even if a ship managed to survive discharging all of its defensive weaponry, it would have to retire from the theater for weeks to return to port and rearm—frequent anti-ship missile attacks could still mission-kill US surface combatants without defeating their defensive systems.[57]

Friday, June 15, 2012

A Great Lesson


I was mainly a geek in high school but learning is always taking place:

Bruce VanDewall I Love You!

I was naïve until I loan you 50 cents in high school
and later when I asked you for it back,
you punched me in the face and my glasses went flying.
Bruch VanDewall I love you! You taught me a great lesson.

It is a lesson that I would never gain from reading Tolstoy.
You taught me the logic of the streets,
how they are laid and dug up and covered up
so as not to expose the innards of our innermost being.

I love you Bruce VanDewall not because I am a Christian
but because you are one; I invite you to come to China
because my cousin now is the Ambassador,
and we think your credit is worthy.

Bruce VanDewall we will lend you money
to start a collection agency in China,
and Bruce VanDewall you needn’t ever pay us back
for the loans. We know there is something missing.

In you, in you we trust.

Koon Woon
June 15, 2012

Friday, May 25, 2012

Double Dealing over the Taiwan Question?

Home>>Foreign Affairs

What is the US' aim behind arms sales to Taiwan?

By Wang Xinjun (People's Daily Overseas Edition)

08:25, May 24, 2012

Edited and Translated by People's Daily Online

At a time when the China-U.S. defense ministers just reached a four-point consensus and people are full of hope to the new stage of the military relations between the two countries, the U.S. Department of Defense submitted its annual report on China's military and security developments on May 18, 2012, again clamoring the "China military threat."

On the same day, the U.S. House of Representatives voted through an act, approving selling at least 66 F-16C/D fighters to help it to resist the so-called "military threat from Chinese mainland." This shows that in order to make an excuse for arms sales to Taiwan and other military measures, the report turned a blind eye to the development and progress of cross-Strait relations in recent years but emphasized the so-called "cross-Strait military imbalance."

People still clearly remembered the first two points of the four-point consensus signed by China-U.S. defense ministers. First, both the Chinese and U.S. militaries are committed to develop a healthy, stable and reliable military relationship under the framework of mutual respect, mutual benefit and win-win partnership. Second, continue to strengthen the strategic communication between the two defense departments and the two armies, enhance the strategic mutual trust through dialogue and consultation and properly handle differences and sensitive issues.

However, how does the United States "respect" its partner and "properly handle" differences and sensitive issues?

The U.S. strategists know exactly that the cross-Strait relationship is the core interests of China and the most sensitive issue in China-U.S. relations. Therefore, it has the most advantageous value to the United States on its strategy against China. The United States thinks that it can always grasp the initiative in the China-U.S. relations as long as it knows this point clearly. When handling the cross-Strait relations, the United States always keeps double-dealing and benefits from it, but the purpose and content are different at different times. In the past, Taiwan was "an unsinkable aircraft carrier" in the U.S. strategy against China and now it became a strategic pawn for the United States to set a new order in East Asia region.